期刊簡介
【當代亞洲】（ Journal of Contemporary Asia ）是一份1970年起出版的學術期刊。該期刊每年出版4次，內容涵蓋亞洲的經濟、政治和社會發展。目前，期刊的主編為其創辦人Peter Limqueco以及Kevin Hewison。據2020年的期刊引證報告，【當代亞洲】的影響因子為3.261。
本期目錄
1
印尼警察執法是否過度暴力？2005-2014年警察槍擊事件的動態
Is Indonesian Police Violence Excessive? The Dynamics of Police Shootings, 2005–2014
2
等級資本主義中的技能和培訓：南韓職業培訓的興衰
Skills and Training in Hierarchical Capitalism: The Rise and Fall of Vocational Training in South Korea
3
孿生運動：改革後印度的國家、市場和非精英中產階級
Twin Movement: State, Market and the Non-Elite Middle class in Post-Reform India
4
大象橫沖直撞的案例：巴基史坦小鎮中產階級的政治
A Case of Rampaging Elephants: The Politics of the Middle classes in Small-Town Pakistan
5
國內行為體與中國基礎設施影響力的局限性：來自巴基史坦的證據
Domestic Actors and the Limits of Chinese Infrastructure Power: Evidence from Pakistan
內容摘要
印尼警察執法是否過度暴力？2005-2014年警察槍擊事件的動態
題目： Is Indonesian Police Violence Excessive? The Dynamics of Police Shootings, 2005–2014
作者： Jacqui Baker，莫道克大學亞洲研究中心講師；Rus’an Nasrudin，印度尼西亞大學經濟與社會研究所講師。
摘要： 在印度尼西亞，關於警察使用武力的爭論對如何建構和理解警察槍擊問題產生了經驗和理論成果，但仍然缺乏數據支持。本文透過分析2005年至2014年(總統佐科· 維多多第一個任期前的九年)全國暴力監測系統(National Violence Monitoring System)數據集各省警察槍擊率的時空模式，首次為填補這一空缺做出了貢獻。它評估了警察槍擊事件與警察在其工作環境中對威脅的感知之間的因果關系。在調查期間，本文發現雖然警察開槍率相對較低，但警察在與槍支有關的暴力方面占據明顯的壟斷地位，而且其工作環境的威脅感較低。本文在警察槍擊事件和警察對威脅的感知之間未發現因果關系。
In Indonesia, debates about police use of force occur in the absence of data, with empirical and theoretical consequences for how the problem of police shootings is framed and understood. This article makes a first contribution to addressing that absence by analysing the National Violence Monitoring System dataset for spatial and temporal patterns in police shooting rates across provinces from 2005 to 2014, the nine years prior to the first term of President Joko Widodo. It assesses the causal relationship between police shootings and officer perceptions of threat in the environments where they operated threat. For the period surveyed, it is found that while police shooting rates were comparatively low, police officers had a significant monopoly on firearm-related violence and operated in environments of low perceived threat. No causal relationship is found between police shootings and police perceptions of threat.
等級資本主義中的技能和培訓：南韓職業培訓的興衰
題目： Skills and Training in Hierarchical Capitalism: The Rise and Fall of Vocational Training in South Korea
作者： Timo Fleckenstein,倫敦經濟學院社會政策系教授；Soohyun Christine Lee，倫敦國王學院歐洲與國際研究系高級講師；Jaehyoung Park，倫敦經濟學院社會政策系博士。
摘要： 從教育和增長相輔相成的經濟模式中，南韓已經形成了一種阻礙經濟和社會進步的病態平衡。勞動生產率低下和技能不匹配破壞了該國的經濟前景，在日益二元化的勞動力市場中，急劇上升的不平等削弱了社會凝聚力。不同政治派別的政府已經意識到這些挑戰，並考慮重振職業教育和培訓（VET）。然而，本文發現，當開發中國家的集體技能培養被廢除時，大雇主是企業和政府之間碎片化聯盟的核心，並將繼續破壞任何有意義的職業技能培養的努力。本文認為，該國的等級生產制度以及與此相關的勞動力市場二元化為職業教育改革的連續失敗提供了微觀基礎;如果不挑戰大型雇主在南韓政治經濟中的主導地位，不解決勞動力市場二元論問題，職業教育與培訓政策改革的努力可能仍是徒勞的。
From an economic model in which education and growth reinforced each other, South Korea has developed a pathological equilibrium holding back economic and social progress. Low labour productivity and skills mismatch undermine the economic prospects of the country, and sharp rises in inequality in an ever more dualised labour market erode social cohesion. Governments of different political persuasion have recognised these challenges, and they have thought to reinvigorate vocational education and training (VET). However, this article shows that large employers – which were at the heart of a segmentalist coalition between business and government when collective skills formation of the Developmental State was dismantled – continue to undermine any efforts of meaningful vocational skills formation. It is argued that the country’s hierarchical production regime and, related to this, labour market dualisation provide the micro-foundations for successive failure in VET reform; and without challenging large employers’ dominant position in the Korean political economy and without addressing labour market dualism, the reform of VET policy can be expected to remain a futile endeavour.
孿生運動：改革後印度的國家、市場和非精英中產階級
題目： Twin Movement: State, Market and the Non-Elite Middle class in Post-Reform India
作者： Surya Prakash Upadhyay，印度理工學院曼迪人文與社會科學學院助理教授；Isha Jha，印度理工學院曼迪人文與社會科學學院博士。
摘要： 本文透過印度的非精英階層、普通中產階級與國家機構和市場過程的交互作用，探討了1991年開始的印度後改革時期的政治經濟發展。本文引入了「孿生運動」這一概念，並修正了波藍尼關於福利和新自由主義國家的差異化領域的雙重運動的概念，它限制了對國家與市場之間形成的隱性關系的探索;也限制了國家如何巧妙地使人們訴諸於市場制度和流程;並迫使/鼓勵資本積累，以減輕新自由主義市場的挑戰。這篇民族誌文章將視線聚焦於重新建構與新自由主義市場邏輯相適應的國家機構上;以及這種重塑如何改變國家與公民的關系，並塑造主體性和「中產階級」。在此過程中，本文描繪了非精英中產階級如何在需求、欲望和願望中定位;以及這些問題如何錯綜復雜地交織在構成新自由主義印度城市非精英中產階級社會、經濟和政治生活的日常不安全感、風險和脆弱性中。
This article explores political economic developments in India’s post-reform period that began in 1991 through the interactions of the non-elite, ordinary middle- class Indians and state institutions and market processes. The article introduces 「twin movement」 as a concept and revises the Polanyian notion of a double movement of differentiated domains of welfare and neo-liberal state which restricts exploring the tacit relationships that form between the state and the market; how the state subtly forces people to resort to market institutions and processes; and forces/encourages capital accumulation to mitigate challenges of the neo-liberal market. This ethnographic article draws attention to the re-modelling of state institutions that is attuned to neo-liberal market logics; and how this re-modelling modifies state–citizen relationships, and shapes subjectivity and 「middle classness.」 In doing so, the article maps how non-elite middle classness is located in demands, desires, and aspirations; and how intricately these are weaved into the everyday insecurities, risks, and vulnerabilities that constitute the social, economic, and political life of the urban non-elite middle class in neo-liberal India.
大象橫沖直撞的案例：巴基史坦小鎮中產階級的政治
題目： A Case of Rampaging Elephants: The Politics of the Middle classes in Small-Town Pakistan
作者： Asha Amirali，巴斯大學發展研究中心和社會與政策科學系助理研究員。
摘要： 本文借鑒了一年來對巴基史坦農產品市場貿易商的民族誌田野調查。文中分析了他們的業務和更廣泛的網路戰略，以展示他們——作為巴基史坦中產階級的一部份——在積累過程中如何看待國家並與之互動。商人的經濟活動受習慣、契約和與國家官員的選擇性接觸(國家官員也有選擇地與他們接觸)的支配，不可避免地與違背民主原則的政治實踐聯系在一起。在交易者的所作所為中，既沒有對公共利益的關註，也沒有對程式性政治的關註;國家被視為積累的工具，而它本身似乎沒有獨立於地方統治階級的計劃;集體組織既可以替代國家監管職能，又可以避免其執法嘗試。這些趨勢進一步阻礙人們將中產階級視為民主的催化劑，並對尋求改革國家的發展戰略具有重要影響。
This article draws on a year of ethnographic fieldwork with traders in a Pakistani agricultural commodity market. It analyses their business and wider networking strategies to show how they – as a segment of Pakistan’s middle classes – perceive and interact with the state in the process of accumulation. Ordered by custom, contract, and selective engagement with state functionaries who also engage them selectively, traders’ economic activity is inextricably bound up with political practices that defy democratic principles. Neither a concern with the public good nor programmatic politics is visible in what traders do; the state is viewed as an instrument of accumulation while itself appearing to have no project of its own separate from the local dominant classes; and collective organisation both substitutes for the regulatory state and staves off its attempts at enforcement. These trends further militate against viewing the middle classes as catalysts of democracy and have important implications for development strategies seeking to reform the state.
國內行為體與中國基礎設施影響力的局限性：來自巴基史坦的證據
題目： Domestic Actors and the Limits of Chinese Infrastructure Power: Evidence from Pakistan
作者： Muhammad Tayyab Safdar，維吉尼亞大學政治系助理教授。
摘要： 「一帶一路」倡議對中國的發展願景至關重要。在「一帶一路」倡議下，中國政策制定者一直致力於向開發中國家出口鐵路系統，但一些計畫的進展仍然有限。本文重點介紹與巴基史坦計劃中的鐵路計畫相關的延誤：ML-1計畫。它回答了以下問題：盡管中國對ML-1鐵路計畫有濃厚的興趣，但是什麽原因導致了該計畫的延誤？本文使用兩步概念框架來回答這個問題。在第一步中，它強調了參與計畫級談判的鐵路官員的作用。這表明，地方官員透過積極就技術參數談判導致了計畫的延誤。中國企業在確保其同意的政策手段有限。在第二步中，本文透過分析政治和軍事精英的作用，將延誤置於巴基史坦的政治經濟背景下。本文還探討了政治變革和經濟因素對計畫的影響，發現與當地政治精英的發展願景不一致的計畫將面臨延誤。國內政治變化也導致了拖延。此外，未能獲得「主要否決者」的支持，加上經濟問題和融資條件的分歧，限制了中國開展大型計畫的能力。
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is important to China’s development vision. Under the BRI, Chinese policymakers have focused on exporting railway systems to developing countries, yet progress on some projects remains limited. This article focuses on delays associated with a planned railway project in Pakistan: the ML-1. It answers the following question: What explains delays in the ML-1 railway project despite strong Chinese interest in it? The article uses a two-step conceptual framework to answer this question. In the first step, it highlights the role of railway bureaucrats involved in project-level negotiations. It shows that local bureaucrats contribute to delays by actively negotiating technical parameters. Chinese firms have limited policy levers to ensure their acquiescence. In the second step, the article places delays in the context of Pakistan’s political economy by analysing the role of the political and military elite. It also explores the impact of political change and economic factors on the project. Projects not in sync with the local political elites’ development vision face delays. Domestic political changes also contribute to delays. Furthermore, a failure to gain major veto actors’ support, coupled with economic problems and differences over financing terms, constrains China’s ability to pursue large-scale projects.
編譯 | 任雨欣
審校 | 張瀟文
排版 | 李明仰
本文來源於【當代亞洲】，內容為公益分享，服務於科研教學，不代表本平台觀點。如有疏漏，歡迎指正。
